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Jeanne Allen Announces Leadership Transition

Media Teleconference at 1:00 p.m., Monday, February 11

CER Press Release
Washington, D.C.
February 11, 2013

Jeanne Allen, Founder and President of the Center for Education Reform (CER), today announced she will be stepping aside as President of the Center, effective November 1 of this year — the organization’s 20th anniversary — a move that signals a nod to the next generation of education reformers. Through October, Ms. Allen will continue to serve full-time as president, advancing the organization’s many strategic goals and setting a course for the future. Ms. Allen is working with The Center’s staff and Board of Directors on leadership transition, and related announcements can be expected in the coming months.

“I started CER 20 years ago on an idea, a wing and a prayer,” said Ms. Allen. “I am so proud that with the help of countless donors, parents, activists and exceptionally talented staff members CER has become the ‘go-to’ organization for education reform in America. Though I will transition out of the day-to-day responsibilities of President, I am excited by the prospect of doing even more to advance the cause of education reform through additional channels. The Center will remain the leading advocate for substantive, structural change in American education, and educational excellence remains an unmet imperative for the vast majority of children in this nation. I look forward to helping CER’s future leadership build on our 20 year record of turning the dream of excellence into reality.” After October, Allen will remain involved in the organization, on the Board, coaching new leadership and continuing to provide guidance and strategic counsel.

Allen founded CER in 1993 “to bridge the gap between policy and practice and restore excellence to education by making education reform mainstream.“ In those two decades, the Center’s activities have spawned a generation of reforms and new actors, and together they have had an enormous impact. CER’s influence and services reach more than 2 million people every year and have contributed to the drafting and adoption of more than 100 education statutes in 40 states. CER has been a constant presence in the media, with more than 160 million media impressions annually. Because of its ongoing involvement in community efforts nationwide, CER has accumulated or created in excess of 300,000 resources that have advanced education reform efforts across the country.

“Jeanne has worked tirelessly and effectively for over 20 years to bring education reform and quality education to America’s students,” said longtime CER Director and education entrepreneur Chris Whittle. “It is no exaggeration to say that because of Jeanne’s efforts, millions of students are receiving a better, higher quality education.”

The Center has been working on a smooth succession plan and will be making announcements in the coming months regarding personnel particulars. The organization continues to honor its original mission, and to plan for the future of education reform, a movement that still faces many obstacles and remains critical to the well being of the nation. The Center’s 20th Anniversary Celebration, scheduled for October 9, 2013 in Washington, DC, will honor Allen and CER’s founding Board, and salute CER’s new leadership team.

Media Teleconference: Ms. Allen will host a teleconference at 1:00 p.m. EST today to take any
questions about today’s announcement.

Conference Participant Instructions:

1. To ensure participation and registration, please dial in by 12:50 p.m. EST to the Access Number 1.800.434.1335.
2. When prompted, enter your Participant Code followed by #.
3. Your Participant Code is 867641#.

Access an audio recording of the teleconference here.

Click here to read “A Nation At Risk, A Movement Ahead: The Future of CER

Splinter Group Shouldn’t Hog Media

by Jeanne Allen
Response to “Tension on School Closings“, National Journal
February 8, 2013

“Journey for Justice?” Oh, please. A little investigative journalism is in order here.

This is a group that has crusaded for medical marijuana, the right for renters who can’t pay to be left alone, free healthcare, and just about every other fringe cause that requires no obligation on the part of the individual, with all the obligation on the part of taxpayers and governments. This splinter group has never been involved in education, and its cause is not their cause, but the cause of those who engaged them in rallying around school closures — none other than the Save Our Schools Coalition (SOSC).

SOSC IS Parents Across America IS Journey for Justice. That’s just a few more of their many alliances.

The cries of “justice now” for schools are not a result of the civic engagement and knowledge by those involved in these groups. They are fueled and inspired by labor unions and other bedrock educational establishment groups, whose work is solely devoted to creating roadblocks to any reforms or programs that upset their control of traditional public school alliances, structures and government entities.

These are the same people who protested outside of Eva Moskowitz’s exceptional charter schools when they sought expansion. These are the people who created a firestorm over the film Won’t Back Down because it was a film that might actually make ordinary people take notice of the plight of children AND teachers stuck in failing schools. These are the people running around trying to create conspiracies out of corporate interests in education. Their cause may look organic and grassroots, but it is nothing of the sort. Lawmakers and the public should not be fooled by this Astroturf movement.

If it’s not about killing any testing, and any choice, it’s now about keeping open bad schools. It is a movement constructed by the unions, which fund Save our Schools Coalition, and clad in civil rights language, to suggest there is something more to this than self-interest.

To ask the question about closing schools, as if this were a movement based on reason and fact, is an affront to the seriousness of the issue. From Arne Duncan to Howard Fuller to this writer and millions in between there is near universal agreement that no child should be forced to attend a failing school for even an hour, let alone a day or a year.

If there are people who think it’s awful to close those schools, then give those children vouchers to leave and appease us all!

Charter Criticism Based on Fact or Fiction?

February 6, 2013

“It is hard to believe that year-after-year, smart, well-intentioned researchers believe they can make national conclusions about charter school performance using uneven data, flawed definitions of poverty and ignoring variations in state charter school laws,” said Jeanne Allen president of The Center for Education Reform (CER).

Yes, CREDO is at it again, using the same virtual twin methods that came under fire in their 2009 report.

In a Wall Street Journal Opinion video, David Feith breaks down — in less than 3 minutes — problems with the numbers in the latest CREDO report, as well as problems with how the report is being interpreted.

Parent Trigger shifts balance

Opinion
by Joy Pullman
Orange County Register
February 5, 2013

The nation’s third invoking of a Parent Trigger, in Los Angeles, disproves the charges of many critics of the 2010 California law. Based on the first two attempts of parents to require their children’s failing schools be converted to charter schools, critics declared the Parent Trigger a mistake.

Pulling the Parent Trigger is “incredibly divisive and disruptive to the communities and schools involved,” said American Federation for Teachers President Randi Weingarten. “Too much disruption and not enough improvement will validate critics’ claims that the reform movement is more interested in destruction than creation,” wrote Time magazine columnist Andrew Rotherham. Parent Trigger laws are “divisive and unsuccessful,” wrote Rita Solnet, founder of the union-funded Parents Across America.

Here’s what’s divisive and unsuccessful: having no way to force change at your child’s failing public school. That’s what parents at Los Angeles’ 24th Street Elementary found. For three years, parents held protests, collected signatures asking for a new principal, and moved their kids to a neighboring charter school. Yet the K-5 elementary school still has a dismal record: Two-thirds of its students can’t read or do math at grade level, and it’s been that way for six years. Kids who can’t read can’t do much else, as verbal ability is the No. 1 predictor of college success, future earnings, and even interpersonal communication. Few kids ever overcome big early learning gaps, so the elementary years are crucial.

Thanks to California’s Parent Trigger law, parents now have power to force change. Earlier this month, 68 percent of parents whose children attend 24th Street Elementary submitted a petition to their school district. They want to negotiate with the district to give their children’s school stronger leadership, better academics, safer and cleaner facilities and higher expectations. And if that doesn’t work out, they will have it converted into a charter school, thank you.

The most striking thing here is the lack of division and hostility. In accepting the parents’ petition, Los Angeles Superintendent John Deasy greeted them in Spanish and pledged to work to meet their needs. Notice how people start paying respect when they’re negotiating with other people who have power.

That’s what Parent Trigger laws give parents: power. A Parent Trigger stops school bureaucrats from slotting kids into schools without concern for fit or quality, and it forces administrators to address parents’ concerns. In short, parents move from pawns to kings – and that’s good for the kids because their parents are the ones who care the most about them and know them best.

Something Parent Trigger critics failed to acknowledge about its first two instances is that the division and hostility were largely incited by teachers unions and bureaucrats, not parents. The real controversy over the Parent Trigger comes from those who stand to lose power because of it. In both the previous cases, the school board stonewalled parents, and the teachers union affiliates sued parents. Because of these parents’ low incomes and social disadvantages, suing them is an extremely potent form of intimidation.

In Adelanto, in San Bernardino County, the Wall Street Journal revealed, teachers union officials went door-to-door to confront parents who had signed Parent Trigger petitions, insinuating they could be deported if they didn’t rescind their signatures.

This third Parent Trigger already demonstrates giving parents power doesn’t have to incite social discord. Giving a free pass to those who want to protect the status quo is no solution for bad schools.

Joy Pullmann is an education research fellow for The Heartland Institute.

Newswire: February 5, 2013

Vol. 15, No. 5

NON CREDO. In Italian, it means “I don’t believe.” In education reformeeze, it means “I don’t believe CREDO.” I’m sorry, we don’t. It’s not personal. Education research is, like most things, an area upon which reasonable people can disagree. But we can no longer sit back and see the media reports on a research document which obscures and ignores critical factors in student learning and have it declared “fact,” particularly when kids lives are at stake. Read about the work by CREDO and the Center’s continuing analysis.

NY STATE OF MIND. From the leading education reform org in New York state comes this sad roll out of facts in a recent tweet #UpstateLeftBehind Graduation rates for Big 5 districts: 46% in Rochester, 49% in Syracuse, 54% in Buffalo, 61% in Yonkers, 61% in NYC. The suggestion of the new report by the Foundation for Education Reform and Accountability is that it is time to free students from failing schools with a new approach to educational equity.

LAWS MATTER. Strong laws result in stronger schools, and weak laws tend to beget weak schools. This is the conclusion of the 14th Annual Charter School Laws Across the States: Ranking and Scorecard by The Center for Education Reform. But wait, it’s not the only one out there, and there is growing confusion in the field as to what constitutes sound charter school policy. Legislators from Mississippi to Montana are grappling with new laws, and lawmakers from Pennsylvania to Oklahoma are working on how best to improve their laws. While roads and paths to reform vary, there can be no question that holding up Maine as a model and Michigan as not, is not helpful to the movement. Some clarification on the national charter rankings is in order.

YOU CUT ME TO THE QUICK. The Cut-Score controversy is cutting many a thoughtful policy person to the quick, and the latest is none-other than Fordham Institute’s Checker Finn. Assuming you wanted it to be something, the Common Core is nothing without meaningful assessments, and those tests require a cut score, the level at which one is deemed proficient, and not, in certain areas. Years ago, states created high standards, and expected students to demonstrate proficiency by getting correct the vast majority of the questions. Then the 90% was lowered to 80%, to 70%, and finally in at least one case, 65% was all a tenth grader needed to demonstrate proficiency before moving on! The pesky political establishment got the better of state standards, which is what precipitated NCLB. Now Common Core is designed to rise above it all, level the playing field for all states, and create a new standard. But what good is a standard that can be fudged. Thus Finn writes: “The tests in use from Kindergarten through eleventh grade need to have passing scores that denote true readiness for the next grade and that cumulate to ‘college and career readiness’…”

That’s a daunting challenge for any test maker, but it’s further complicated by widespread fears of soaring failure rates and their political consequences, as well as by Arne Duncan’s stipulation (in the federal grants that underwrite the assessment-development process) that the states belonging to each consortium must reach consensus on those passing scores (in government jargon, “common achievement standards”). All this means, in effect, that Oregon and West Virginia (both members of the “Smarter Balanced” consortium) must agree on “how good is good enough” for their students, as must Arkansas and Massachusetts (both members of PARCC). Can that really happen?

Finn asks other questions, too: “As the U.S. education world eagerly awaits more information about the new assessments that two consortia of states are developing to accompany the Common Core standards, dozens of perplexing and important questions have arisen: Once the federal grants run out, how will these activities be financed? What will it cost states and districts to participate? Who will govern and manage these massive testing programs? What about the technology infrastructure? The list goes on.” Yes it does, good sir. Indeed it does.

A VOICE IN THE WILDERNESS. The erudite Sandra Stotsky is best known for her contributions to standards on English and literature throughout the states, in teaching teachers and leading the research on what makes for effective teaching of English. So it’s perhaps worth knowing that Stotsky is one of the few to point out another limitation of the Common Core before we go farther down this road. The most recent is knowing that most states signed up for it before ever seeing it, and even now, it’s not clear the content is the rigor that was once expected. In a speech given recently, she says:

“No reporters, state board members, parents, and other commentators on Common Core’s standards have paid more than cursory attention to what the architects of Common Core’s ELA standards suggest are “exemplars” of the informational texts high school teachers of other subjects are supposed to use in order to increase instruction in informational reading in their classes.

“The lack of attention to this facet of Appendix B is unfortunate. It’s time to ask some questions about the kinds of informational texts the architects of Common Core think high school history, math, and science teachers should teach and then to consider what these teachers can actually teach, given their training, the academic level of their students, and the relevance of texts like these to their courses. When we do ask some questions, we find that the informational texts suggested as examples for high school teachers in Appendix B help us to see more clearly the damage these federal reading standards are doing to the entire school curriculum.”

A voice in the wilderness no more. Read it for yourself, and weep.

Understanding Charter School Laws and How They are Ranked

What you need to know for effective policymaking.

In the wake of dozens of state and local officials seeking clarification over best practice charter school laws, it’s important to understand the context for the Center for Education Reform (CER)’s 2013 Charter School Law Rankings, and how it fits with other evaluations now being issued by other organizations with a concentration in similar areas.

Major education reform groups have begun to issue rankings of states and state policy on a variety of measures — from teacher quality to online learning to charter schools. It’s clear, as we’ve pointed out, that all of these add up to a cumulative GPA of sorts for states. The Center recognizes the variety in different issue areas, and has sought to bring context to a state’s GPA through The Parent Power Index©, which provides a composite score for each state for key elements of power.

However, when organizations conflict in their assessments of critical reform efforts, it’s important to be clear on where the conflict lies, particularly given legislators confusion over whether their work is producing sound results. Our colleagues at the National Alliance for Public Charter Schools (NAPCS) use a very different set of criteria to measure a charter school law than CER.

For example, while we both agree that Minnesota deserves top-billing (1st by NAPCS, 2nd in CER’s analysis), both Maine and Washington, which NAPCS places 2nd and 3rd respectively, cannot possibly be models others should emulate.

First, Washington State only passed its law in 2012, and it has yet to be implemented. While NAPCS praises the nature of the authorizer, it concludes it is independent from other state structures (a value CER ranks high on its rankings), the fact is that state actors are currently in disagreement over how to even organize the commission, and a lack of clarity in the law is resulting in conflicting sentiment about how independent this entity really can be.

Strong laws result in strong schools, a conclusion we’ve made in 14 annual evaluations of charter laws. States that have truly independent and preferably multiple authorizers, which afford schools a high degree of autonomy, and equitable or near equitable funding grow and nurture high quantities of high quality schools. State laws that vest authority in existing power structures for charter schools, and that are unclear about authority, funding and freedom compromise individual efforts, and quality authorizing.

The charter law for the District of Columbia (ranked 1st by CER, 17th by NAPCS), for example, has created a separate and distinct agency over which neither the mayor, the state superintendent, nor the city council has any legal authority. Its independence as a board is unique because the board is seated by a process involving recommendations by the federal education secretary, with a final choice by the mayor. In addition, the DC Charter Board has enrolled nearly 46% of all DC students in successful charters, both because it is independent and because the law limits the imposition of work rules; allows school leaders the freedom they deserve and the accountability they embrace; provides facilities assistance and a nearly equitable funding stream; and puts trust in an authorizing and accountability system that removes the entrenched bias of traditional school administrators.

Maine’s law (ranked 28th by CER and 2nd by NAPCS) authorizes a semi-independent commission, which is so closely defined in terms of member composition and selection, and how many schools can be approved (only ten schools over ten years), giving little incentive to really find and create new charter schools. In January, the Maine Charter Schools Commission, created in 2011, turned down four out of five in the latest round of charter applicants. Governor Paul LePage has accurately criticized the commission for being hostile towards the very organizations it was set up to create, stating, “This is truly a dereliction of duty. What we are talking about is a Commission moving far too slowly and putting political favors ahead of the needs of our children.”

The Center has regularly ranked states with independent authorizers highly for demonstrating the ability to shepherd the creation of strong, quality schools. But often laws can define an independent authorizer in one way but not be clear on lines of authority, giving license to traditional government education authorities to usurp power. Such precedents in states from Idaho to Maine make it clear that the only truly independent authorizers are those that are not connected at all to state and local education agencies.

Because NAPCS uses its model law as a basis for most of its ranking, it ranks high any state that has a commission model like Maine, despite no evidence that such an entity has provide effective governance of charter schools which result in quality opportunities for students. Idaho is an example that demonstrates the point. It has a commission that has become more and more intertwined with the State board of education and more bureaucratic, and less concerned with outcomes, as a result.

In most cases, universities have proven to be the best authorizers, combining existing higher education entities with an infrastructure that is accustomed to public and legislative scrutiny with creating new innovations in K-12. They stand as a blueprint in the Center’s model legislation. Michigan (ranked 4th by CER, 15th by NAPCS) permits its public universities, such as the highly regarded Central Michigan University, to authorize and oversee most charters, although districts may do the same.

While most states’ laws are strong-to-average, the majority of states lack the components necessary for successful charter school policy implementation. Conclusions about student achievement across state lines is not feasible because state laws differ greatly in how schools are permitted to seek and get authorization, the degree of autonomy they have, and how much public funding is permitted, despite research entities like CREDO issuing reports concluding otherwise.

However, there is a direct correlation between states with multiple authorizers and higher student achievement. Documented evidence confirms that the models for charter school law of New York, Michigan, Minnesota and DC, for example, give life to increased student achievement, surpassing all comparable public schools in those states.

Since 1993, The Center’s research on laws and legislation has demonstrated that great laws, modeled after the components noted in our ranking, produce a successful array of charter opportunities for families and students. New state proposals should be modeled after success, not theory.

To learn more about CER’s state rankings and model legislation, please visit:
https://2024.edreform.com/issues/choice-charter-schools/laws-legislation/

ADDITIONAL RESOURCE: Charter School Law Rankings & Scorecard: The Rationale Behind the Rankings

The Center’s research team is also available for bill drafting and bill review. Contact us at [email protected] for more information.

National Charter Research Misfires on Charter Schools

CREDO Report Ignores Wide Variation in State Assessments and State Law

CER Press Release
Washington, D.C.
February 5, 2013

A national research study across 23 states and DC assessing charter school performance over time makes erroneous conclusions about the impact of charter schools on students, while ignoring critical distinctions among state proficiency standards and the components of each state’s widely differentiating charter school laws.

“It is hard to believe that year-after-year, smart, well-intentioned researchers believe they can make national conclusions about charter school performance using uneven data, flawed definitions of poverty and ignoring variations in state charter school laws,” said Jeanne Allen president of The Center for Education Reform (CER).

Among the two-dozen states that were the subject of study for Stanford University’s Center for Research on Education Outcomes (CREDO) in its Charter School Growth and Replication report released last week, there are more than two-dozen varieties of charter law:

• Fewer than half of all states studied — ten plus the District of Columbia — have authorizers that are independent from existing education entities, a notable difference in laws and outcomes;

• Nine states have only either school districts or the state board of education authorizing charter schools, compromising school freedoms;

• Three states in the report do not permit flexibility from rules and regulations;

• 11 states guarantee less than 75% of average per pupil funding; and

• Six states limit teacher freedom from collective bargaining agreements.

All the states in the study have vastly different ways of assessing student performance. For example, charter schools in Washington, DC, are evaluated on a criteria that ineffectively measures growth, but the independent DC Public Charter School Board uses the city’s assessment and combines it with other data to create its own performance metrics which analyzes school performance over time and provides a clear, unambiguous data set from which to judge the quality of DC charter schools.

By looking at the quality of a charter school law, it is possible to predict the quality of the charter schools in that area. States with independent, multiple authorizers, that provide their schools high degree of freedom for operations and financial management, and ensure equitable funding have and will continue to show progress among students, while states that do not afford such autonomy and freedom have less successful schools as evidenced in CER’s 2013 Charter School Laws Across the States; Ranking and Scorecard.

Thus, aggregating states into one research universe and drawing conclusions about their relative achievement, in addition to relying on flawed virtual twin methodology, is highly misleading and ignores the so-called “gold standard” of academic research that compares individual student achievement on identical measures. Stanford University Economist, Caroline Hoxby, has reported additional insights into the problems of the CREDO study and has pointed out numerous inconsistencies when CREDO first deployed its unique methodology to make conclusions about student achievement.

The Center also solicited comments from other researchers and while not on record, they were used to issue the following reports on CREDO over the past three years.

What is Radical?

Michelle Rhee’s new book has us thinking about the term “radical.” (Especially after learning the book was originally titled “DARE TO DREAM: My Fight for Better Schools and a Brighter Future” )

Kudos to Michelle for her bold work in DC and in her thought leadership around the country. We need her voice and her muscle behind many efforts. But what is radical? Is it radical to have some level of performance pay in once city, or in many cities? Is it radical to have school choice for 2,000 or 20,000?

What’s Wrong with Common Core ELA Standards?

An Indiana website picked up this paper from Sandra Stotsky, Professor Emerita at the University of Arkansas, and dubbed it “The best explanation of why Common Core ELA standards are rubbish”. The paper was presented at an Educational Policy Conference in St. Louis, Missouri on January 25, 2013 and is posted in its entirety below.

Literature or Technical Manuals: Who Should Be Teaching What, Where, and Why?
by Sandra Stotsky, Professor Emerita of Education Reform, University of Arkansas

I. Purpose

Over 45 states adopted Common Core’s ELA standards in 2010, in some cases before they were even written. Only in 2012 did some discussion about their implications take place in the media. Discussion has centered mostly on what English teachers are doing to their classroom curriculum to address Common Core’s division of reading standards into 10 for informational texts and 9 for literary texts. Some teachers and parents believe students should spend more time in English classes learning how to read informational texts, chiefly because that is the kind of reading they will do in college and daily life. Others deplore what they see as a drastic reduction in literary study, the traditional focus of high school English as well as the major focus of English teachers’ academic coursework as English majors.

Recently, some attention shifted to an appendix in Common Core’s ELA document that lists titles sorted by grade level and genre (stories, poetry, drama, and informational text). Concerns have been expressed about what lies behind some of these titles, especially the titles of government reports.

It is important to note that the purpose of Appendix B was to suggest the level of complexity that reading and English teachers are to seek in the texts they select to teach at a particular grade level. It was not intended as a list of recommended, never mind required, titles for classroom study, simply as “exemplars” of “complexity and quality” by grade level and genre. Appendix B was also not intended only for reading and English teachers. Some of the critics of Common Core’s 50/50 division of its reading standards for the English class have forgotten that the full title of this document is “The Common Core State Standards for English Language Arts and Literacy in History/Social Studies, Science, and Technical Subjects.” But they are not alone in their neglect to examine the implications of this title. No reporters, state board members, parents, and other commentators on Common Core’s standards have paid more than cursory attention to what the architects of Common Core’s ELA standards suggest are “exemplars” of the informational texts high school teachers of other subjects are supposed to use in order to increase instruction in informational reading in their classes.

The lack of attention to this facet of Appendix B is unfortunate. It’s time to ask some questions about the kinds of informational texts the architects of Common Core think high school history, math, and science teachers should teach and then to consider what these teachers can actually teach, given their training, the academic level of their students, and the relevance of texts like these to their courses. When we do ask some questions, we find that the informational texts suggested as examples for high school teachers in Appendix B help us to see more clearly the damage these federal reading standards are doing to the entire school curriculum.

II. What is New to English Teachers in Common Core?

First, let us review what Common Core requires of English teachers that is new to them. The new and controversial requirement is the division of reading instruction at every grade level into about 50% informational reading and 50% literary reading. It seems quite logical to see this arbitrary division of reading standards leading simultaneously to a reduction in the study of imaginative literary works in high school and an increase in the study of informational or nonfiction texts. This division makes nonfiction a genre equal in value in the English class to drama, poetry, and fiction combined, a non-egalitarian approach that was not discussed in public beforehand with English teachers or literary scholars.

Despite the logic of this meaning for 10 standards on informational reading and 9 on literary reading for the construction of a classroom curriculum, the architects of Common Core’s ELA standards strongly insist that imaginative literature remains the emphasis of high school English classes in their standards. They point out statements in the document to the effect that while 30% of what high school students read overall should be literary and the other 70% informational, the informational material should be taught (for the most part) in other subjects. They further claim that the Common Core document and the ELA standards are a clear expression of their intentions.

However, this 30% figure raises important questions that have not been discussed, never mind answered. Since students typically take 4-5 major subjects in high school and English is therefore responsible for only about 20-25% of what they read (assuming students read something in their science, math, history, and foreign language classes), wouldn’t this mean that just about all of the reading instruction in high school English classes should be literary so that students can achieve there most of the 30% quota desired by Common Core? Students would need about 5-10% more literary study somewhere else to satisfy Common Core’s quota, although Common Core’s architects don’t explain where else literary study is to take place or what kind of literary study elsewhere would satisfy their quota, especially if students don’t achieve most of the 30% quota in the English class.

There is some imaginative literature that students could read and discuss elsewhere in the curriculum, for example, in middle school science classes, how about Twenty Thousand Leagues under the Sea, to explore the impulses behind the beginning of science fiction in Europe? Or, in the history class, Hitler’s Diaries (a hoax), Pedro’s Journal (the fictitious diary of Columbus’s cabin boy), or The Protocols of the Elders of Zion (a political forgery first published in Russia in 1903), to explore the differences in their purposes. But Common Core’s architects would first need to clarify their intentions with that 30% figure. The bigger question is what they really want in the English curriculum itself.

III. What Does Common Core Really Want in the English Curriculum?

To complicate an already confusing picture, Common Core also says that English teachers will need to increase nonfiction reading instruction. It is therefore still not at all clear what Common Core really wants English teachers to do. How can Common Core expect students to engage in literary study (or do literary reading) for 30% of their reading instructional time when they are in a high school English class for only about 20% of the school day or year (typically one period per day or a two-period block per day for one semester)? How can English teachers at the same time increase the relatively small amount of nonfiction they already teach and have always taught? It is obvious that they can increase the amount only by teaching informational or nonfiction reading 50% of English class time. But how are they to do so when Common Core’s architects insist that the high school English class should continue to focus on literary study, and they expressly want students reading literature for 30% (not 20%) of their school reading experience?

Adding to the total muddle in the Common Core document is what English teachers (e.g., in Arkansas, Georgia, New York, Massachusetts) have been told to do to implement Common Core’s standards. State departments of education and local superintendents have told them to cut down on the number of full-length literary works they have typically taught, teach excerpts instead, and teach nonfiction for about 50% of their reading instructional time. In other words, they want literary study reduced to what is logically suggested by Common Core’s 50/50 division of its reading standards.

But this doesn’t mean that literary study has been banished. In the last week of December 2012, prominent supporters of Common Core’s standards produced a barrage of blogs and op-eds claiming that its architects have been consistently “misinterpreted.” The email blast from the Foundation for Excellence in Education—an organization led by former Florida Governor Jeb Bush, a major Common Core backer—was typical. It denounced the “misinformation flying around” about what will happen to literature under Common Core. “Contrary to reports,” it said, “classic literature will not be lost with the implementation of the new standards.” A glance at the standards’ own suggested text lists, it noted, “reveals that the common core recognizes the importance of balancing great literature and historical nonfiction pieces.”

In this flurry of blogs and op-eds, Common Core’s advocates simply set up a strawman. No critic had claimed that NO literature would be taught under Common Core. They have said only that fewer works than usual will be taught. What is more important, however is the question that wasn’t answered at all. Common Core’s advocates have not attempted to explain why almost all publishers, English teachers, school administrators, and policy makers at departments of education have “misinterpreted” Common Core’s document. Why do teachers and administrators continue to think that the 50/50 division of reading standards at every single grade level means that about 50% of what English teachers teach in the classroom must be informational or literary nonfiction? Not one superintendent nationally has been reported as retracting the 50/50 directive and telling English teachers to emphasize literary study as usual.

In one sense, it is not surprising that no one is overtly retreating in the face of these conflicting statements, district policies, and percentages. English teachers know they are going to be held accountable for their students’ scores on common reading tests, no matter what their colleagues teach. Moreover, they do know how to read. Anyone who talks to English teachers knows that they are reshaping their classroom curriculum to fit the 50/50 mandate, even if few are willing to speak to reporters and identify themselves, like Jamie Highfill, an English teacher in Arkansas. Fortunately, even one teacher’s voice tells us something. And her current experiences raise a huge hitherto unexplored question. What are students reading for their nonfiction quota in the English class and where are the titles coming from?

IV. Informational Text Exemplars in Common Core’s Appendix B

One major addition to Highfill’s grade 8 curriculum this past year, on the advice of a well-paid Common Core consultant to her school, was Malcolm Gladwell’s The Tipping Point. Where did this title come from? Common Core’s Appendix B, it seems. (It is important to recall (1) that Common Core’s English Language Arts document—66 pages long altogether—ends with a 9-page section on “literacy” standards for history, science, and technical subjects, and that (2) Appendix B groups “exemplar” informational titles according to whether they are for an English class, a history class, or a science, mathematics, or technical class.) However, The Tipping Point is listed as an informational text in Appendix B for grades 11/12 and for science, mathematics, or technical classes, not for grade 8 or for English. Moreover, Highfill had to toss out a 9-week poetry unit to make room for Gladwell’s book and a few related informational pieces, even though as an English teacher she is not an expert on epidemics, one of the three major topics in Gladwell’s book.

Let’s look more closely at this new can of worms. What else is in Appendix B for informational exemplars? For English teachers in grades 9/10, we find Patrick Henry’s Speech to the Second Virginia Convention, Margaret Chase Smith’s Remarks to the Senate in Support of a Declaration of Conscience, and George Washington’s Farewell Address. In fact, most of the “informational” exemplars for English teachers in grades 9/10 are political speeches. Why political speeches, and why these political speeches, as exemplars for English teachers? How many English teachers are apt to understand the historical and political context of these speeches? How did such heavily historically-situated political speeches with few literary qualities come to be viewed as suitable nonfiction reading in an English class? No explanation is given.

As puzzling as these particular titles may be to an English teacher, what about Common Core’s exemplars for history teachers in grades 9/10? We find, among a few appropriate exemplars (on the history of indigenous and African Americans), E.H. Gombrich’s The Story of Art, 16thEdition, Mark Kurlansky’s Cod: A Biography of the Fish That Changed the World, and Wendy Thompson’s The Illustrated Book of Great Composers. It’s hard to see even a well-read history teacher comfortably tackling excerpts from those books in the middle of a grade 9 or 10 world history or U.S. history course.

But whoever compiled and sorted out the “exemplar” titles for informational reading in science, mathematics, and other technical classes in grades 9/10 wins the prize for the most fertile imagination and futile suggestions. What well-trained science teacher would toss out a unit on the Periodic Table or DNA in order to teach students in chemistry or biology classes how to read Recommended Levels of Insulation, a report released in 2010 by the U.S. Environmental Protection Agency/U.S. Department of Energy? And what up-to-date science teacher would use Jacob Bronowski and Millicent Selsam’s Biography of an Atom, published in1965, for reading or science instruction in grade 9 or 10, regardless of the academic level of the chemistry or physics course?

The one selection presumably intended for math teachers is even more startling. What sane math teacher would ever use Euclid’s Elements of Geometry to teach reading? Elements of Geometry is a classic textbook requiring students to develop proofs for increasingly complex propositions using an increasing number of axioms. It could still serve as the main textbook in a geometry course to help math teachers compensate for Common Core’s mainly non-Euclidean geometry standards. But for “literacy” instruction?

When we look at the titles recommended for history and science teachers in grades 11/12, we finally realize that Common Core’s goal of informational “literacy” for high school students is, in fact, a sad joke on high school teachers. Informational exemplars for English teachers include (along with writings by Emerson and Thoreau, who have always been taught in American literature survey courses) Thomas Paine’s Common Sense and the Bill of Rights. These titles can’t develop “informational literacy” in an English class. They contribute to knowledge about the American Revolution and the Constitution when they are studied (as they should be) in their historical and political context in a U.S. government or history class.

Now let us see what informational exemplars history teachers are given in grades 11/12. Along with a suitable text for excerpting, Tocqueville’s Democracy in America, we find Julian Bell’sMirror of the World: A New History of Art and FedViews, issued in 2009 by the Federal Reserve Bank of San Francisco. These two titles clearly don’t fit into a standard grade 11 American history course or a grade 12 U.S. government course. What course does Common Core think they fit into or, again, doesn’t it matter?

By the time we finish perusing the sample informational titles for grade 11 or 12 teachers of science, math, and technical subjects, we can only conclude that the architects of Common Core’s reading standards do not understand who high school teachers teach and what. At these grade levels we find the following as exemplars of quality and complexity for classroom reading: Mark Fischetti’s “Working Knowledge: Electronic Stability Control” (Scientific American, April 2007); Executive Order 13423: Strengthening Federal Environmental, Energy, and Transportation Management, issued in 2009 by the U.S. General Services Administration; Ray Kurzweil’s “The Coming Merger of Mind and Machine” (Scientific American Special Edition, January 2008); W. Wayt Gibbs, “Untangling the Roots of Cancer” (Scientific American Special Edition, June 2008); and Atul Gawande’s “The Cost Conundrum: Health Care Costs in McAllen, Texas” (The New Yorker, June 2009).

Take a deep breath and ask yourself: Would any normal high school science teacher delete a physics unit on gravity or a chemistry unit on the components of an atom in order to try to teach students how to read a government policy report on energy, transportation, and the environment or articles like these from Scientific American? Would any high school science teacher insert articles like these into the middle of such units for “knowledge-building” or use articles like these for “literacy” instruction? Below-average readers can’t easily read (or don’t want to read) the science curriculum materials prepared especially for them. They certainly can’t manage the staggering vocabulary supporting the level of abstract thought in these “exemplar” materials, even if educated adults find most of them inherently more interesting to read (which is why they are in a journal or magazine, not a textbook).

There seems to be some confusion in the minds of Common Core’s architects about the subject matter English teachers are trained to teach. But the potpourri for high school history and science teachers indicates their profound misunderstanding of the purpose, content, and academic level of the entire high school curriculum.

V. Deeper Problems Suggested by the Exemplars for Informational Texts

I have just spent a lot of time highlighting some of the titles in Appendix B that are intended to serve as exemplars of the complexity and quality of texts high school teachers should be using to teach “literacy” in subjects other than English. I have done so because we need to explore why so many of these exemplars are out of place not just in the subject area Common Core placed them but in a high school curriculum altogether.

The idea behind Appendix B in Common Core’s document affects all the subjects taught in a typical high school curriculum, not just the English class. This was intentional, the standards writers indicate. They wanted to make teachers across the curriculum as responsible for teaching “literacy” as the English teacher, which at first sounds fair, almost noble. But to judge from the sample titles they offer to fill the demands they make for informational reading in other subjects but in the English class especially, informational literacy seems to be something teachers are to cultivate and students to acquire independent of a coherent, sequential, and substantive curriculum in the topic of the informational text.

The informational texts listed for teachers of other subjects in Appendix B of Common Core’s English language arts document reflect, ultimately, the consequences of giving free reign to people to write standards documents who are, apparently, insufficiently aware of three very important matters: the content of the subjects typically taught in regular public high schools, the academic background of the teachers of these subjects, and the academic level of the courses in a typical secondary curriculum, grade by grade, from 6 to 12. What makes the situation so counterproductive is that the intellectually and pedagogically unsound mandates of the authors of Common Core’s ELA and “literacy” standards—the major ones being their emphasis on informational reading in the English class and their injection of context-free informational texts into the other subjects—have been inflicted on all teachers in over 45 states by governors and members of state boards of education, none of whom apparently knew enough about the secondary school curriculum and the development of children’s minds to ask any questions about the many poisonous tentacles of this document before imposing it.

I am in no way suggesting that the ELA standards writers deliberately sought to make a worse conceptual mess of the secondary English curriculum than it now is and to damage the other subjects to boot. They were acting from good intentions. I believe that they truly believe that adequate college-level reading and writing comes from informational reading in K-12 and that more informational reading instruction in K-12 will make more students ready for college. Their approach, however, is based on a misunderstanding of the causes of the educational problem they sought to remedy through Common Core’s standards—the number of high school graduates who need remedial coursework in reading and writing as college freshmen and the equally large number of students who fail to graduate from high school and go on to a post-secondary educational institution.

The architects of Common Core assume that the major cause of this educational problem is the failure of our public schools to teach low-performing students in K-12 adequately or sufficiently how to read complex texts before they graduate from high school. That is, their English teachers have given them too heavy a diet of literary works and teachers in other subjects have deliberately or unwittingly not taught them how to read complex texts in these other subjects.

This assumption doesn’t hold up. High school teachers will readily tell you that low-performing students have not been assigned complex textbooks or literary texts because, generally speaking, they can’t read them and, in fact, don’t read much of anything with academic content. As a result, they have not acquired the content knowledge and the vocabulary needed for reading complex textbooks in any subject. And this is despite (not because of) the steady decline in vocabulary difficulty in secondary school textbooks over the past half century, the huge increase of Young Adult Literature in the secondary curriculum, and the efforts of science and history teachers from the elementary grades on to make their subjects as text-free as possible. Educational publishers and teachers have made intensive and expensive efforts to develop curriculum materials that accommodate students who are not interested in reading much. “Graphic novels” (glorified comic books) are but one example in the English class today. These accommodations in K-8 have gotten low-performing students into high school, but they can’t be made at the college level. College-level materials are written at an adult level, often by those who teach college courses.

We hear almost every day of policies that urge all students to get a post-secondary degree or set quotas for college degrees in a state. But there is no reason to expect students who read very little in or outside of class to become prepared for authentic credit-bearing courses in their first year of college if their secondary teachers spend more class time reading informational texts independent of a coherent and graduated curriculum in the topics of these informational texts.

Such a requirement does not address the unwillingness of many high school students to read or write much on their own. Experience-based narrative writing has been promoted in writing workshops as a way to develop writing because children will be eager to write about what they know best—themselves—and can more easily do so in narrative form. But this idea has led to a lot of poor though fluent writing because experience-based writing is not text-based and higher levels of writing are increasingly dependent on higher levels of reading. Students unwilling to read a lot do not advance very far as writers, even with a full diet of autobiographical writing. The attempt to get reading into the writing process by asking students to relate something in what they read to their lives (text-based autobiographical writing) leads to the same limited source of ideas—personal experience (sometimes fabricated)—not a higher level of analytical thinking.

The major casualty of little reading is the general academic vocabulary needed for both academic reading and writing. The accumulation of a large and usable discipline-specific vocabulary (often called a technical vocabulary) depends on graduated reading in a coherent sequence of courses (known as a curriculum) in that discipline. The accumulation of a general academic vocabulary, however, depends on reading a lot of increasingly complex literary works.

It is well known that 18th and 19th century writers used a far broader vocabulary than modern writers do, even when writing for young adolescents (e.g., Treasure Island or The Black Arrow). The literary texts that were once staples in the secondary literature curriculum were far more challenging than the contemporary texts (or the Young Adult Literature) frequently assigned. And because the “literate” vocabulary that writers like Robert Louis Stevenson used was embedded in stories with interesting plots, students would absorb this literate vocabulary as they read these stories. Interesting plots kept them reading, and lots of reading has always been the main way the sense of most words is learned (those outside of daily life). The reduction in literary study will lead to fewer opportunities for students to acquire the general academic vocabulary needed for college work, especially if English teachers give them contemporary informational texts with a simplistic vocabulary to read in place of these older staples. They won’t be able to give them serious discipline-based informational texts outside the context of their own discipline-based curriculum because students (as well as their English teachers) won’t be able to handle them.

VI. Solutions

What is one solution to this dilemma? Schools can establish secondary reading classes separate from the English and other subject classes. English is a subject class, and literature is its content. Students who read little and cannot or won’t read high school level textbooks can be given further reading instruction in the secondary grades by teachers with strong academic backgrounds (like TFA volunteers) who have been trained to teach reading skills in the context of the academic subjects students are taking. It’s not easy to do, but it is doable.

A better solution may be to expand the notion of choice to include what other countries do to address the needs of those young adolescents who prefer to work with their hands and do not prefer to read or write much. Alternative high school curricula starting in grade 9 have become increasingly popular and successful in Massachusetts. There are waiting lists for most of the regional vocational technical high schools in the state. Over half of their graduates go on to a post-secondary educational institution. The occupations or trades they learn in grades 9-12 motivate them sufficiently so they now pass the tests in the basic high school subjects that all students are required to take for a high school diploma.

A third solution is for the Gates Foundation to provide funds for secondary English teachers to develop curriculum modules of about two-three weeks in length that supplement the literary works they choose with essays or informational excerpts from the same literary period and tradition. And to train consultants to provide examples to English teachers that do so. For example, the Common Core consultant to the English teachers in the Fayetteville, Arkansas schools might have recommended contemporary essays on the Soviet Union and Eastern Europe instead of Malcolm Gladwell’s book to a teacher like Jamie Highfill who had selectedAnimal Farm to teach her grade 8 students. Her 9-week poetry unit was gone, but essays by other mid-20th century English writers on life in a totalitarian society would have helped her students to better understand Orwell’s book. Gladwell’s book has no intrinsic connection to her (or any grade 8 English teacher’s) classroom curriculum.
A larger point to consider is why intelligent and educated people (reporters, state board members, governors) were so eager to accept the opinions of standards writers who had no understanding of the K-12 curriculum in ELA and mathematics, and of organizations that they knew were being paid by the Gates Foundation to convince them of the “rigor” and “benefits” of this mess? Why didn’t they read Appendix B for themselves, especially in the high school grades, and ask how subject teachers could possibly give “literacy” instruction in the middle of content instruction. Most might not have had the time to ponder the implications of the titles for informational texts across the curriculum, but all of them? Self-government cannot survive without some citizens who are able to read for themselves and who are also willing to ask informed questions in public of educational policy makers.

Intelligent people of all political persuasions need to demand a complete revision of these damaging national standards. They should also demand the selection of academic experts and well-trained teachers to do so. We might then have before us an English language arts and mathematics curriculum that promotes, not retards, intellectual development in all our students.

Digital Learning Day 2013

Join us in observing the second annual Digital Learning Day, a national campaign that celebrates teachers and shines a spotlight on successful instructional practice and effective use of technology in classrooms across the country, on February 6, 2013.

Full-time online schools are certainly starting to take off, but a more common practice is blended learning, or integrating digital learning with face-to-face instruction. Learn more about blended learning and see some examples of schools employing blended learning well here.

A Digital Town Hall will be simulcast live on Wednesday, February 6, from 1:00 – 2:30 p.m. (ET). It will feature leaders in the movement and showcase promising practices in digital learning and integrating technology into the classroom. Click here to view the webcast.

In honor of Digital Learning Day, Digital Learning Now! (DLN) released its fifth white paper in the DLN Smart Series, “Blended Learning Implementation Guide,” which explores blended learning as a phase change with a goal of accelerating learning toward college and career readiness. To view the paper and executive summary, click here, and enjoy the blended learning infographic DLN created below!

Download or print a PDF copy of the DLN Blended Learning Infographic